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1.
World Economy and International Relations ; 67(1):68-79, 2023.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2240115

ABSTRACT

The article studies new foreign policy of South Korea after the administration change in Seoul in May 2022. Over the last period, the external environment for the country has become more complex. That was due to the growth of rivalry between the USA and China, COVID-19 pandemic implications as well as the Ukrainian crisis, which resulted in increased global and regional instability and disruption of previously established supply chains. Along with that, the confrontation on the Korean Peninsula has become deeper and more protracted with no way forward to break that impasse. All previous attempts to engage North Korea into the dialogue, made by the Moon Jae-in administration, have failed. Those factors affected the priorities chosen by the new administration in foreign affairs. The author concentrates on the concept of the "global pivotal state” announced by the Yoon Suk-yeol's government. With the criticism of the previous government's approach that was narrowly focused on Inter-Korean agendas, the new foreign policy team is going to pursue the brand of a "value diplomacy”, emphasizing South Korea's role in promoting "liberal democracy” and "rules-based regional order”. As for North Korea, Yoon Suk-yeol has shifted his strategy to a hard-line approach which implied strengthening deterrence and raising credibility of the U.S. assurances to provide a nuclear umbrella to defend its ally. The article highlights Seoul's new policy aimed at rebuilding and strengthening the "comprehensive global alliance” between the ROK and the USA that presupposes cooperation on a wide range of international and regional agendas beyond the Korean Peninsula. The paper explores some emerging political dimensions of South Korea in the Indo-Pacific region. It is shown that Seoul wishes to be an active participant of the U.S. – led minilateral arrangements to ensure its expanded economic and security interests in the region. © The Authors.

2.
World Economy and International Relations ; 67(1):68-79, 2023.
Article in Russian | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2229320

ABSTRACT

The article studies new foreign policy of South Korea after the administration change in Seoul in May 2022. Over the last period, the external environment for the country has become more complex. That was due to the growth of rivalry between the USA and China, COVID-19 pandemic implications as well as the Ukrainian crisis, which resulted in increased global and regional instability and disruption of previously established supply chains. Along with that, the confrontation on the Korean Peninsula has become deeper and more protracted with no way forward to break that impasse. All previous attempts to engage North Korea into the dialogue, made by the Moon Jae-in administration, have failed. Those factors affected the priorities chosen by the new administration in foreign affairs. The author concentrates on the concept of the "global pivotal state” announced by the Yoon Suk-yeol's government. With the criticism of the previous government's approach that was narrowly focused on Inter-Korean agendas, the new foreign policy team is going to pursue the brand of a "value diplomacy”, emphasizing South Korea's role in promoting "liberal democracy” and "rules-based regional order”. As for North Korea, Yoon Suk-yeol has shifted his strategy to a hard-line approach which implied strengthening deterrence and raising credibility of the U.S. assurances to provide a nuclear umbrella to defend its ally. The article highlights Seoul's new policy aimed at rebuilding and strengthening the "comprehensive global alliance” between the ROK and the USA that presupposes cooperation on a wide range of international and regional agendas beyond the Korean Peninsula. The paper explores some emerging political dimensions of South Korea in the Indo-Pacific region. It is shown that Seoul wishes to be an active participant of the U.S. – led minilateral arrangements to ensure its expanded economic and security interests in the region. © The Authors.

3.
World Economy and International Relations ; 67(1):68-79, 2023.
Article in Russian | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2226472

ABSTRACT

The article studies new foreign policy of South Korea after the administration change in Seoul in May 2022. Over the last period, the external environment for the country has become more complex. That was due to the growth of rivalry between the USA and China, COVID-19 pandemic implications as well as the Ukrainian crisis, which resulted in increased global and regional instability and disruption of previously established supply chains. Along with that, the confrontation on the Korean Peninsula has become deeper and more protracted with no way forward to break that impasse. All previous attempts to engage North Korea into the dialogue, made by the Moon Jae-in administration, have failed. Those factors affected the priorities chosen by the new administration in foreign affairs. The author concentrates on the concept of the "global pivotal state” announced by the Yoon Suk-yeol's government. With the criticism of the previous government's approach that was narrowly focused on Inter-Korean agendas, the new foreign policy team is going to pursue the brand of a "value diplomacy”, emphasizing South Korea's role in promoting "liberal democracy” and "rules-based regional order”. As for North Korea, Yoon Suk-yeol has shifted his strategy to a hard-line approach which implied strengthening deterrence and raising credibility of the U.S. assurances to provide a nuclear umbrella to defend its ally. The article highlights Seoul's new policy aimed at rebuilding and strengthening the "comprehensive global alliance” between the ROK and the USA that presupposes cooperation on a wide range of international and regional agendas beyond the Korean Peninsula. The paper explores some emerging political dimensions of South Korea in the Indo-Pacific region. It is shown that Seoul wishes to be an active participant of the U.S. – led minilateral arrangements to ensure its expanded economic and security interests in the region. © The Authors.

4.
Vayu Aerospace and Defence Review ; - (4):33, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1998342
5.
Asia Policy ; 17(3):161-179, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1970721
6.
Asia Policy ; 17(2):28-34, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1824101
7.
Asia Policy ; 17(1):133-160, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1661245

ABSTRACT

This article examines the Philippines' democracy under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte and assesses the ramifications of democratic decline for the future of the U.S.-Philippines alliance under the next administration.

8.
The American Journal of International Law ; 116(1):164-170, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1627679

ABSTRACT

Most notably, securing nuclear-powered submarines prompted Australia to cancel an agreement with France for diesel-powered submarines,3 and France reacted furiously, recalling its ambassadors from both the United States and Australia.4 Although the announcement of the alliance made no direct mention of China, the inference that it addresses Chinese power in the region is unavoidable, and China warned that the alliance, and particularly the submarine agreement, could accelerate an arms race.5 The AUKUS announcement builds on nearly a decade of efforts to increase U.S. focus on Asia and the Pacific. 9 To that end, the United States and United Kingdom announced the “New Atlantic Charter” in June to “defend the principles, values, and institutions of democracy” among other things,10 and the Biden administration has resolved several trade disputes with Europe, removing irritants in the Atlantic alliances.11 The Biden administration has also strengthened relationships in the Indo-Pacific region by working closely with the “Quad,” which includes the United States, Australia, Japan, and India, to respond to the COVID-19 crisis, as well as climate change and other shared challenges.12 In a joint statement following their first in-person meeting in September, the Quad leaders emphasized their commitment “to promoting the free, open, rules-based order, rooted in international law and undaunted by coercion, to bolster security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond,” and noted that they “stand for the rule of law, freedom of navigation and overflight, peaceful resolution of disputes, democratic values, and territorial integrity of states.” 25 The treaty obligates all parties, including nuclear-weapons states, “not to provide: (a) source or special fissionable material, or (b) equipment or material especially designed or prepared for the processing, use or production of special fissionable material, to any non-nuclear-weapon State for peaceful purposes, unless the source or special fissionable material shall be subject to” IAEA safeguards.26 Both the United States and the United Kingdom use weapons-grade highly enriched uranium to power their nuclear submarines,27 and the AUKUS countries have already begun to work with the IAEA to ensure that the submarine deal meets their NPT obligations.28 IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi noted that the countries had informed the IAEA of their plans and pledged that “[t]he IAEA will engage with them on this matter in line with its statutory mandate, and in accordance with their respective safeguards agreements with the Agency.” In particular, the Act allows sharing with non-nuclear-weapon states subject to IAEA safeguards,30 and it allows the president to authorize the transfer to other countries of nuclear material for military applications when he determines that such cooperation “will promote . . . the common defense and security.”

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